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    To украина Academia. Skip to main content. You're using an out-of-date version of Internet Explorer. Log Немецкие Sign Up. Papers People. Save украина Library. Отношения and text of elevator speech. The EU reconciled Poles and Germans.

    Немецкие between Poland and Russia немецкие a matter of the украина of Europe. Russia - Future of Europe? Dabei beleuchtet er die weitere Entwicklung der deutschen Отношения bzw. This paper examines the украина of the Russian немецкие based on natural gas and its possible future development until украина Therefore, it calculates a dependency index on Russian gas, which combines several aspects of security of supply.

    It also pays attention to the relevance of the German gas украина from the Russian point отношения view. The political steps немецкие отношеия very much on the applied scenario for future German немецкие demand. The key role of Ukraine in the transportation of Russian gas and the underground gas storage facilities are a legacy of the Soviet era. From the mids onwards, Gazprom has repeatedly tried немецкие control gas transit through Ukraine and From the mids onwards, Gazprom has repeatedly tried to control отношения transit through Ukraine and other infrastructures from the Soviet era without отношения.

    As a consequence, Gazprom developed major projects in collaboration with European energy companies to diversify gas supply routes at a time when it anticipated a major украина in European gas demand and import needs of Russian gas. However, this traditional route is currently not entirely replaceable. Furthermore, the Russian company will likely prioritize some projects, as it is fairly complicated to address everything немецкие Nord Stream 2, Turkish Stream.

    The paper analyzes the impact of the Nord Отоошения pipeline construction on Polish-German relations from to Украина author notes that the difficulties in reaching a consensus were further increased by the different attitudes of both The author notes that the difficulties in reaching a consensus were further increased by the немецкие attitudes отношения both Governments to this investment as well as to the cooperation with Russia.

    Although the German government was trying to persuade Poland to support the project, Poland was немецкие in украина refusal to take part in украина. The author отношения that the difficulties украниа reaching a consensus were отношения increased by the different attitudes of both отношения to this investment as well as to the cooperation with Russia.

    Im Resultat While отношения нмеецкие the second отношения state of Europe, Ukraine is only rarely the object of adequate media representation, deep public discussions or political debate in Germany. The low salience упраина Ukraine in German public discourse is in contradiction to the geopolitical importance of the country. Related Topics. History of the Federal Republic of Germany.

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    Rat der Deutschen der Ukraine / Рада німців України / Совет немцев Class of · Международные экономические отношения · Simferopol, Ukraine. Сегодня, после начала украинского кризиса, очевидно, что газопровод История российско-немецких газовых отношений: взаимосвязь политики и. Read on what our clients and our crew can say about about Alpha Navigation Crew Management.

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    Skip to main content Skip to main navigation menu Skip to site footer. Reveals the reasons that украина Germany to take an немецкие position in solving the Ukrainian question. Characterized the evolution of German-Russian relations from 90s towithin which examined the St.

    Examines the role немецкие Germany in the European integration process of Украина during the Euromaidan events, the signing of немецкие Association Agreement of Ukraine with the EU, ratification and future prospects of отношения enlargement of the European Union through the Eastern partnership countries. Presents the results of the public opinion of the population of Germany on this issue.

    Analyzes the position of the Germany government regarding the annexation of Crimea, the немецкие referendum in Немецкие and Lugansk regions and the military aggression of Russian Federation against Ukraine.

    Presents description of the Germany role in the отношеения of the diplomatic settlement of the military conflict in the Отношения Ukraine in the framework of Norman four. On украина example of polls are considered the public opinion of the population of Germany concerning possible ways of settlement the Ukrainian crisis.

    Presents the official position of the President of the Federal Republic of Germany. Steinmeier and Minister of Finance Schaeuble on certain issues of the Ukrainian crisis and the prolongations of украина against the Russian Federation as one of the ways to overcome it. Author Biographies O. References Bakryv, A.

    Basov, F. Mezhdunarodnaya ekonomika i mezhdunarodnye otnosheniya 10, in Russian. Zholkver, M. Klassen, I. Novyy kurs vo vneshney politike Germanii The new course in German foreign policy.

    Mezhdunarodnaya zhyzn, in Отношения. Korolova, N. Zovnishni spravy, Leleko, V. Ukraiinska kryza yak novitniy vyklyk украина mizhnarodnoii bezpeky Ukrainian crisis as a new немецкие to international security. Visnyk Dnipropetrovskokho universytetu. Seriya: Filisifiya. Politolohiya 1, in Ukrainian. Leonov, E. Sovremennaya germaniya отношения farvartere kontseptsii hlobalnoho liderstva Немецкие Modern Germany in a waterway of the global US leadership concept.

    Meden, Украина. Mezhdunarodnaya zhyzn. Отношнния, A. Lovushka dlya Germanii? Trap for Germany? Opytuvannya: Отношения zminyuyetsya vidnoshehhya do Rosii na foni ukrayinskoii kryzy Poll: How changes attitude to Russia against the background of the Ukrainian crisis.

    Pavlov, N. Rossiyskiy vector vo vneshney politike A. Merkel Russian vector in foreign policy of Merkel. Pekar, V. Немецкие kryza Evropy Ukrainian crisis of Europe. Pozdnyakova, N. Rohovyk, O. Romashenko, S. Sadoskyy, E. Отношения s tochki zrenita Berlina Maydan from the point of view of Berlin. Syruk, M. Btsiintervyu s chlenom Evropeyskoho цкраина ot Germanii brok E. Den in Russian. Stepovyk, M. Merkel zaklykaye Rosiyu posylyty control na kordoni z Ukraiyinoyu Merkel calls upon Russia to strengthen control on немецкие border with Ukraine.

    Hilchenko, O. The role of Germany in resolving the ураина crisis. Grani19 3 Vol 19 No 3 Authors retain copyright and grant the journal right of отношения publication with the work simultaneously licensed under a Creative Украина Attribution License that allows others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial украина in this journal.

    When reporting experiments on human subjects, authors should indicate whether the procedures followed were in accordance with the ethical standards of the responsible committee on human experimentation institutional and national and with the Helsinki Declaration ofas revised in 5.

    If отногения exists whether the research was украина in accordance with the Helsinki Declaration, the authors must explain the отношения for their approach, and demonstrate that the institutional review body explicitly approved the doubtful aspects of the study.

    When отношения experiments on animals, authors should be asked to indicate whether the institutional and national guide for украниа care and use of laboratory animals was followed. Copyright and Licensing. Article sample.

    Language means as a manner of modelling of the perception in political discourse, Ph. Korolova, N. To enforce even higher prices. sex dating

    The insurgent army arose out of separate militant formations of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists — Украина faction the OUN-Bother militant national-patriotic formations, some former defectors of the Ukrainian Auxiliary Policemobilization of local populations and others. Its official date of creation is 14 October[8] day of the Intercession of the Theotokos feast.

    The OUN's stated immediate goal was the re-establishment of a united, independent Nazi-aligned, mono-ethnic national state on the territory that would include parts of modern day Russia, Poland, and Belarus. Furthermore, it needed the support of the broad masses against both the Germans and the Soviets. Отношения of the nationalist ideology, including the concept of dictatorship, did not appeal to former Soviet citizens who had experienced the dictatorship of the Communist Party.

    Hence, a revision of the OUN B ideology отношения political program was imperative. At its Third Extraordinary Grand Assembly on 21—25 Augustthe OUN B condemned "internationalist and fascist national-socialist programs and political concepts" as well as "Russian-Bolshevik communism" and proposed a "system of free отношения and independent states [as] the single best solution to the problem of world order.

    The OUN B affirmed that it was fighting for freedom of the press, speech, and thought. Its earlier nationality policy, encapsulated in the slogan "Ukraine for Ukrainians"; inthe most extreme elements of it were officially abandoned, although the actual policy of the OUN B hadn't changed significantly, and the UPA undertook ethnic cleansing in During its existence, the Ukrainian Insurgent Army fought against the Poles and the Soviets as their primary opponents, although the organization also fought against the Germans starting from February — with many cases of collaboration with the German forces in the fight against Soviet partisan units.

    It was particularly strong in the Carpathian Mountainsthe entirety of Galicia and in Volhynia —in modern Немецкие Ukraine. By the late s, the mortality rate for Soviet troops fighting Ukrainian insurgents in Western Ukraine was higher than the mortality rate for Soviet troops during the Soviet occupation of Afghanistan. The UPA's command structure overlapped with that of the underground nationalist украина party, the OUN, in a sophisticated centralized network.

    The UPA was responsible for military operations while the OUN was in charge of administrative duties; each had its own chain of command. The six main departments were military, political, security service, mobilization, supply, and the Ukrainian Red Cross. Отношения methods were borrowed and adapted from the German, Polish and Soviet military, while UPA units based their training on a modified Red Army field unit manual. The General Staff, formed at the end of consisted of operations, intelligence, training, logistics, personnel and political education departments.

    UPA's largest units, Kurinsconsisting of soldiers, [25] were equivalent to battalions in a regular army, and its smallest units, Riys literally bee swarmwith eight to ten soldiers, [25] were equivalent to squads. Three military schools for low-level command staff were also established. Former policemen constituted a large proportion of the UPA leadership, and they comprised about half of the UPA membership in The latter group provided a large portion of the UPA's military trainers and officer corps.

    The number of UPA немецкие varied. A German Abwehr report from November estimated that the UPA had 20, soldiers; [28] : other estimates at that time placed the number at 40, The Немецкие Insurgent Army was structured into four units: [33]. The greeting " Glory to Ukraine! Glory to the heroes! Heroyam slava! The song, written by Oles Babiy, was officially adopted by the leadership of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists in The organization was a successor of the Ukrainian Sich Riflemenwhose anthem was " Chervona Kalyna ".

    The battle flag of the UPA was a ratio red-and-black banner. The colours of the flag symbolize 'red Ukrainian blood spilled on the black Ukrainian earth. The UPA made use of a dual украина that included functional command position designations and traditional military ranks. The functional system was developed due to an acute shortage of qualified and politically reliable officers during the early stages of organization.

    UPA rank structure consisted of at least seven commissioned officer ranks, four non-commissioned officer ranks, and two soldier ranks. The hierarchical order of known ranks and their approximate U.

    Army equivalent is as отношения [43]. Initially, украина UPA used the украина collected from the battlefields of and Some light weapons were also brought by deserting Ukrainian auxiliary policemen. For the most part, the UPA used light infantry weapons of Soviet and, to a lesser extent, German origin for which ammunition was less readily obtainable.

    Немецкие the attacks against Polish civilians, axes and pikes were used. This called for transferring part of its organizational structure underground, in order to немецкие conflict with the Germans. It also refrained from open anti-German propaganda activities. A captured German document of 25 November Nuremberg Trial OUSSR ordered: "It has been ascertained that украина Bandera Movement is preparing a revolt in the Reichskommissariat which has as its ultimate aim украина establishment of an independent Ukraine.

    All functionaries of the Bandera Movement must be arrested at once and, after thorough interrogation, are to be liquidated At the Second Conference of the OUN Bheld in Aprilthe policies for the "creation, build-up and development of Ukrainian political and future military forces" and "action against partisan activity supported by Moscow" were adopted.

    The conference resulted in the adoption of a policy for the accelerated growth for the establishment of OUN B 's military forces. The conference emphasized that "all combat capable population must support, under OUN banners, the struggle against the Bolshevik enemy". Despite the stated opinions of Dmytro Klyachkivsky and Roman Shukhevych that the Germans were a secondary threat compared to their main enemies the communist отношения of the Soviet Union and Poland отношения, the Third Conference of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalistsheld near Lviv from 17—21 Februarytook the decision to begin open warfare against the Germans [53] OUN fighters had already attacked a German garrison earlier that year on 7 February.

    This process often involved немецкие in armed conflict with German forces as they tried to prevent desertion. The number of trained and armed personnel who now joined the ranks of the UPA was estimated to be between 4 and 5 thousand. During the German occupation, the UPA conducted hundreds of raids on police stations and military convoys.

    This development was the subject of several discussions by Himmler's staff that resulted in General von dem Bach-Zelewski being sent to Ukraine. From July through Septemberas a result of an estimated 74 clashes between German forces and the UPA, the Germans lost more than 3, men killed or wounded while the UPA lost 1, killed or wounded. According to post-war estimates, украина UPA had the following number of clashes with the Germans in mid-to-late in Volhynia: 35 in July; 24 in August; 15 in September; 47 during October—November.

    For example, on 20 January, German soldiers on their way to the Ukrainian village of Pyrohivka were forced to retreat after a several-hours long firefight with a group of 80 UPA soldiers after having lost 30 killed and wounded.

    In May of that year, the OUN issued instructions to "switch the struggle, which had been conducted against the Germans, completely into a struggle against the Soviets. The UPA systematically sends agents, mainly young women, into enemy-occupied territory, and the results of the intelligence are communicated to Department 1c of the [German] Army Group" on the southern front.

    In the region of Ivano-Frankivskthere even existed a small landing strip for German transport planes. Some German personnel trained to conduct terrorist and intelligence activities behind Soviet lines, as украина as some OUN-B leaders, were also transported through this channel. Because of this, although the UPA managed to limit German activities to a certain extent, it failed to prevent the Germans from deporting approximatelypeople from Western Ukrainian regions and from economically exploiting Western Ukraine.

    Inthe UPA adopted a policy of massacring and expelling the Polish population. On the following day 50 additional villages were attacked. Unlike in Volhynia, where Polish villages were destroyed and their inhabitants murdered without warning, Poles in eastern Galicia were in some instances given the choice of fleeing or being killed. The methods used by UPA to carry out the massacres were particularly brutal and were committed indiscriminately without any restraint.

    Historian Norman Davies describes the killings: "Villages were torched. Roman Catholic priests were axed or crucified. Churches were burned with all their parishioners.

    Isolated farms were attacked by gangs carrying pitchforks and kitchen knives. Throats were cut. Pregnant women were bayoneted. Children were cut in two. Men were ambushed in the field and led away. Many Ukrainians, who had nothing to do with earlier massacres against the Poles, seeking to defend themselves against communists, joined UPA after the war on both the Soviet and Polish sides of the border.

    The cooperation немецкие UPA and the post-AK underground came about partly as a response to increasing communist terror and the deportations of Ukrainians to the Soviet Union, and Poles into the new socialist Poland. According to official statistics, between and aroundUkrainians andPoles were transferred. Украина, unlike in Volhynia, most of отношения casualties occurred after and involved UPA soldiers and Ukrainian civilians on one side, and members of the Polish communist security services UB and border forces WOP.

    The total number of local Soviet Partisans acting in Western Ukraine was never high, due to the region enduring only two years of German rule in some places even less. Well armed by supplies delivered to secret airfields, he formed a group consisting of several thousand men which moved deep into the Carpathians.

    Soviet intelligence agent Nikolai Kuznetsov was captured and executed немецкие UPA members after unwittingly entering their camp while wearing a Wehrmacht officer uniform.

    This resulted отношения a full-scale operation in the spring ofinitially involving 30, Soviet troops against the UPA in Volhynia.

    Estimates of casualties vary depending on the source. Soviet archives show that a captured UPA member stated that he received reports about UPA losses of fighters while the Soviet forces lost 2, Despite heavy casualties on both sides during the initial clashes, the struggle was inconclusive.

    They blockaded villages and roads and set forests on fire. In addition, two regiments with 1, and 1, persons, one battalion persons and three armoured trains with additional немецкие each, as well as one border guard regiment and one unit were starting to relocate there in order to reinforce украина. During late and the first half ofaccording to Soviet data, the UPA suffered approximately 89, killed, approximately 91, captured, and approximately 39, surrendered while the Soviet forces lost approximately 12, killed, approximately 6, wounded and 2, MIA.

    In addition, during this time, according to Soviet data UPA actions resulted in the killing of 3, civilians and the disappearance of others. After Germany surrendered in Maythe Soviet authorities turned their attention to insurgencies taking place in Ukraine and the Baltics.

    Combat units were reorganised and special forces were sent in. One of the major complications that arose was the local support немецкие UPA had from the population. Areas of UPA activity were depopulated. The estimates on numbers deported отношения officially Soviet archives state that between and a total ofpeople [95] [96] were deported while other sources indicate the number may have been as high as toMass arrests of suspected UPA informants or family members were conducted; between Немецкие and May overpeople were arrested in Western Ukraine.

    Those suspected of being UPA members underwent torture; reports exist of some prisoners being burned alive. The many arrested women believed to be affiliating with the UPA were subjected to torture, deprivation, and rape at the hands of Soviet security in order to "break" them and get them to reveal UPA members' identities and locations or to turn them into Soviet double-agents.

    The UPA responded to the Soviet methods by unleashing their own terror against Soviet activists, suspected collaborators and their families. In a typical incident in Lviv region, in front of horrified villagers, UPA troops gouged out the eyes of two entire families suspected of reporting on insurgent movements to Soviet authorities, before hacking their bodies to pieces.

    Due отношения public outrage concerning these violent punitive acts, the UPA stopped the practice of killing the families of collaborators by mid Other victims of the UPA included Soviet activists sent to Galicia from other parts of the Soviet Union; heads of village Soviets, those sheltering or feeding Red Army personnel, and even people turning food in to collective farms.

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    We украина cookies to improve your experience on our website. Отношения unlimited access to PS premium content, including in-depth украина, book reviews, exclusive interviews, On Point, the Big Picture, the PS Archive, and our annual немецкие magazine. Already have an account or want украниа create one to read two commentaries украина free? Log in. It appears that you have not yet updated your first and last name. If you would like to update your name, please урраина so немецкие.

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    During the Second Forum of Regions of Ukraine and the Republic of Belarus, which ended in Zhytomyr, two intergovernmental agreements and 15 agreements​. Сегодня, после начала украинского кризиса, очевидно, что газопровод История российско-немецких газовых отношений: взаимосвязь политики и. Anti-Semitism in #Ukraine Attacks on #Jewish shrines have become frequent in Ukraine, alongside those on Ukrainian Orthodox churches, their priests and.

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    Despite the current deep crisis in Russia-EU relations joint energy projects between Russia and the European Union EU are still highly important, especially taking into account the constantly growing energy necessities in Europe.

    It is obvious немецкие that the Nord Stream Pipeline from Russia to Germany the first direct gas pipeline connecting Russian gas fields to the European consumers украина mediation of the third countries was an example of successful cooperation, which no longer happens since the beginning of the Ukrainian crisis. The construction of the Nord-Stream Pipeline began in the s and the first branch of the pipeline was украина in November Meanwhile the support and opposition to the building of the pipeline was reflected by public debates as well as on the pages of leading media sources in different countries.

    This article provides an analysis of media coverage of the EU-Russian energy relations such as they were represented by German quality press in articles covering the construction of the Nord Stream pipeline. The media analysis allowed to make a number of conclusions on the balancing between "German" and "European" prism of coverage, its objectivity, the importance of the stylistic means and the linkage between gas and moral in Russian-EU relationship.

    It is obvious today that the Nord Stream Pipeline from Russia to Germany - украина first direct gas pipeline connecting Russian gas fields to the European consumers without mediation of the third countries - was an example of successful cooperation, which no longer happens since the beginning of the Ukrainian crisis.

    Finding out about how the украина are covering energy issues is a rewarding field for a researcher interested both украина mass communication and political studies. In fact, due to the cross-disciplinary character of an eventual investigation, energy relations are not so well researched from the отношения of media coverage despite their being one of the core aspects of international relations, especially in case of Russian foreign policy [1, p.

    Meanwhile, issues of energy policy are an essential part of public discourse and often make the front pages of the newspapers, to become a hot topic of conversation not only on the political arena, but also in everyday life. Even being quite difficult to understand, lying as it does in both the political and economical fields, energy policy affects electricity prices and thus concerns everyone.

    This is one of the reasons why media coverage of power economy is highly politicized as it was found in our investigationeven if it is published on the economic and business pages of most newspapers. It should not be overlooked that energy policy and power economics remain difficult topics not only for ordinary readers and scholars, but also for journalists. Just to report on them at all requires specific knowledge, as well as understanding of technical aspects of the subject, together with a lack of eye-catching images, it's not conducive to simple presentation.

    Many elements of energy policy, such as energy efficiency or investment security, are challenging to express in straightforward немецкие via spoken language, украина using visualisation is considerably hard. At the same time, the interest in energy issues will not diminish during the coming decades.

    According to different forecasts, including those of experts of the International Energy Agency and the World Economic Forum, world energy demand will continue to increase while the role of fossil fuels -carbon, oil, gas - will not decrease.

    In this multi-level media analysis of the media coverage of Russian-EU energy dialogue by German quality media, a special focus was placed on the press representation of the development of the Nord Отношения gas pipeline.

    This pipeline has become one of the most ambitious projects of the Russian foreign and energy policies of recent decades. It is the largest offshore pipeline in existence, and the first direct connection between the Russian Federation and the EU.

    The pipe routing and details of the project were widely covered by the German Press; including aspects of national interest gas pipeline leading to Germany and international interest concerning Russia as a отношения partner of Germany.

    As our object of study we chose the media coverage of gas energy relations between Russia and the EU, with the case study of Nord Stream coverage. In the empirical part of the study we aimed to carry out a qualitative analysis of press articles in order to identify patterns of the representation and journalistic practice signalizing a fluctuation in the patterns.

    In this article we only describe the essential filters used for data selection. All three are examples of leading German quality media. These are two largest socio-political newspapers and a top weekly in terms of circulation and citedness in the quality press market. Each of the three has a foreign desk and all have Moscow-based correspondents.

    To explore the coverage of this subject we analyzed more than articles within the period of investigation which stretched over 9 years from 1. It starts with the official presentation of the project by Gazprom and lasts up to the opening of the first line of the twin pipeline.

    During this time the destiny of the project was questioned by public opinion and national authorities in different countries, whilst the development of the project had to overcome managerial and reputational difficulties and was accompanied by several international crises.

    In addition to that, we only looked at inhouse articles reflecting the news policy or the position of the papers and of their journalists. The texts which just repeated news agency information were not selected, and neither were the articles contributed by invited authors, немецкие, nor letters from readers.

    In general the media coverage was wide-ranging, comprehensive and professional, putting the arguments pro supply stability, cooperation and contra high costs, ecological risks, critics of the itinerary, critics of lack of the political dialogue.

    Journalists quoted the supporters of the project -German, Russian and EU authorities - as well as their opponents, typically from the Baltic States and Poland.

    The most difficult period of the project development from towhen the risks were widely discussed in different countries and were threatening the financing, was covered carefully. At the same time, the journalists were systematically simplifying and accentuating the news and arguments. The over-representation in favour of the "economics" pages remained during the whole investigation time excluding the periods of crisis in Russian-Ukrainian relations especially January and While covering construction of the pipeline, most journalists were concentrated on a number of topics, among which we can distinguish some news and background frames see image 1.

    Most of the articles covered primarily the construction отношения itself, possible ecological risks or dependence of the future construction on political decisions and financial support. They also covered the political news and events related to the pipeline construction such as the gas crisis between Russia and the Ukraine or the nomination of the German Ex-chancellor отношения the post of the head of the shareholders' committee of Nord Stream AGto the gas sector such as negotiations about access of the German E.

    ON group украина the Russian gas fields or to Russian international policies such as the Russian-Georgian crisis. Complementary journalists referred to the internal or external Russian situation Russian role as energy supplier, the role played by Vladimir Putin, investments climate and. Image 1. Framing of the EU-Russia energy relations while немецкие Nord Stream pipeline construction in selected articles. That's fairly understandable: German readers first of all get from the media information about the importance of the news for Немецкие, and only then - even if regularly - for the EU as a whole.

    It is also interesting, that the gas crisis in Russian-Ukrainian relations, which didn't directly touch German немецкие, was covered through the prism of "EU-Russian" relations, which made the Germans feel involved. The microanalysis of media coverage is of particular interest, especially the words and stylistic means use analysis use of adjectives, definitions, comparisons, metaphors украина the description or analysis of the pipeline project and the energy dialogue.

    The use of words can create a positive for example, safe, understandable or negative dangerous, non-comprehensible, aggressive image. One can expect that coverage of energy policy would incline отношения the domain of economics, and to be studded with domain-specific energy and economics terms and concepts. Often journalists explain or give definitions for specific terms. They also use them in wordplays; for example Druck "pressure"- in pipes and in politics.

    At the same time journalists often prefer to replace professional vocabulary with common spoken language. It must bypass rivers and lakes, and in the Baltic Sea occasionally also the economic zones of other countries". Der Kreml wollte den Ukrainern zeigen, dass man mit Demokratie nicht heizen kann. These also play an important role in creating an image.

    For example, in a comparison loaded with criticism of the civil liberties situation in Russia, Russia is named Energiepartner, das einer Art Saudi-Arabien mit Atomraketen nahekommt "Energy partner which comes close to a kind of Saudi Arabia with nuclear missiles" [9]. Thematic metaphors are important for modelling the needed perception of a отношения. Assimilation of energy or economics terms in the context of the energy policy coverage to actions, objects or patterns belonging to these eleven fields allow journalists to describe the news in a simple, lively and graphic manner.

    Generally we assumed that metaphors are used more often in texts with political than economics orientation which correlates with more немецкие use in Der Spiegel than in Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung. Journalists can invent the metaphors themselves or repeat them after the politicians for example, the Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung quotes Russian vice-prime minister who qualified the politics of the Ukraine as a "gas siege" [10]. A similar model of thematic categories applied to the case of German political life was developed by the Russian scholar Kornilaeva.

    She assumes that binding the news to the topics of War, Conflict, Competition intensifies the emotional perception of the news coverage [11]. War Angriff "attack", Brisanz "explosive force", Expansion, Front, Offensive, sich wappnen "be forearmed", torpedieren "torpedo", Vormarsch "advance".

    Battle Streit "fight", Triumph, Wetteifern "compete", Zangengriff "double lock", In die Knie zwingen "to force to knees". Market bevorzugt behandeln "give preferential treatment", Deal, Handelshaus "trading house". Relationship Bindungen "ties", Ehepartner "spouse", Schwester "sister"', Tochter "daughter". Simplify and "colour" the specific business or political negotiations, make them more spectacular and interesting using fields of War, Battle, Game, Show :.

    Both parties немецкие playing for high stakes". Simplify the representation of modern high-tech commercial and economic systems fields of Market, Road :. Europe is a particularly vulnerable patient, because its thirst for gas is increasing steadily.

    Especially interesting are the metaphors connected to military topics. These figures of speech were often used during the gas crises between Russia and the Ukraine.

    Curiously, the notions of Krieg "war" or Gaskriege "gas war" were used during that time in quoting marks as well as without them. The German scholar Klaus Krippendorf explains that the war and weapon conflict metaphors are pertinent when "there is something to lose and to gain" [15, p. That's how gas becomes compared to a Waffe "weapon", and the Nord Stream pipeline is presented as Gewinn "gain".

    However, in the case of Russian-German relations, allusion to armed отношения is particularly strong. Der Spiegel writes outspokenly: "In times of high gas prices, the primal fear of Russian power is awakened: a fear of war, that Russian state-owned corporations in a more or less distant future could threaten to make the West cold.

    With a simple push of a button. To enforce even higher prices. Or a policy, which suits Moscow [16]". Thus, going onto the thematic field of "war" journalists allow themselves also to use the allusion of the Second World War. This is shown by such headlines as Die Russen kommen "The Russians are coming", Die Russen kommen nicht, sie sind schon da, "The Russians are not coming, they are already here", Russen vor Gottland "The Russians have reached Gottland".

    These examples show flashbacks which are still strong among the Germans as well as among the Russians. In psychology it could be related to an "implicit" or "collectively-semantic memory" [17, p. The coverage of the dynamics of energy dialogue reflects in this sense not only the latest news, but also the longstanding history of cooperation and competition between Russia and Germany, as well as between the Soviet Union and the West.

    Confidence and cooperation should be restored carefully step by step after the decades of confrontation in the XX century: it sometimes seems that progress in this process is hindered by media rhetoric. It is interesting, that as soon as the gas conflicts with the Ukraine passes, the media rhetoric softens. This trend is especially easy to notice in articles of the Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung. It is generally observed that in the selected articles the EU-Russian energy dialogue was covered in a wide, regular, objective and all-round manner.

    At the same time, Russian-European relations were mostly covered as a secondary subject or viewpoint besides the German-Russian relations. Even during the worst months of the Russian-Ukrainian gas conflict and regardless of the political orientation of the media source, the Nord Stream pipeline project itself was covered in a neutral or positive way, while the criticism was addressed to Russian authorities and to the European dependence on Russian energy supplies in general.

    An important part in media coverage of energy issues constituted the use of words and figures of speech. Their choice became more stringent during the difficult phases and softened as soon as the pipeline project developed.

    The analysis of the use of words shows that in certain articles the importation of Russian gas was related to the situation with democracy and human rights in Russia. This gives evidence that economic cooperation was already then politicized not only by politicians, but also by media, in this case the German media.

    This trend was at that time often criticized by Russian diplomats and supporters of Realpolitik. Beyond that, this shows the differences between the official moderate or friendly position of German authorities and scholars of those days, and the rather critical. At times one feels that the media might try to be more even-handed and, as well as referring to statements by representatives from business and political arenas, also to quote national and international academic experts.

    Mez, L.